As a politically engaged citizen of Bangladesh, I find myself deeply concerned about the recent return of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) to the political forefront following Sheikh Hasina's resignation. The BNP, despite its current rhetoric of unity, democracy, and reform, has a history marred by corruption, human rights abuses, and political violence. It is crucial for an interim government to enact essential reforms before allowing the BNP to regain power to ensure that the mistakes of the past are not repeated and to safeguard the future of Bangladesh's democracy.
Recently, the BNP called for calm and unity, emphasizing the importance of ensuring the safety of all citizens, irrespective of religion, race, and identity, while also demanding immediate elections. In a three-minute video message at a massive rally in Nayapaltan, BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia urged supporters to avoid destruction and revenge, advocating instead for building a society based on love, peace, and knowledge.
Tens of thousands of BNP leaders, activists, and supporters gathered at the rally, erupting in cheers when Khaleda’s message was played—her first speech in six and a half years. She expressed gratitude to the youth for their role in ousting the "fascist illegal government" through the quota reform movement, acknowledging the sacrifices made by hundreds of martyrs.
Khaleda, who served as prime minister three times, called for a "knowledge-based, democratic Bangladesh with merit and competence" free from exploitation and corruption. She emphasized the need to realize the dreams of the youth, who she described as the future of the nation. Khaleda also highlighted the importance of ensuring the rights of all religious and community groups, underscoring her message of unity and peace.
Her son, Tarique Rahman, the acting chairman of BNP, also addressed the rally virtually, calling for restraint and urging party members and supporters not to engage in violence or take the law into their own hands. He stressed the importance of ensuring the security of all individuals, regardless of their religious or racial identity, and called for offenders to be handed over to the authorities.
Tarique emphasized the role of police in a democratic state. He warned against efforts to demoralize the police, suggesting that destabilizing the force could create insecurity, particularly among religious minorities. Tarique likened the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government to a second independence for Bangladesh, celebrating the recent developments as a victory for democracy and freedom.
The BNP's leadership also proposed the establishment of an upper house in the national parliament to include distinguished individuals from abroad in state administration and policymaking. They called for immediate national elections and the transfer of power to elected representatives. BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir urged the president to form an interim government to organize national elections within three months, assuring full public support for the process.
Despite these pledges, it is essential to remember the BNP's history and the potential risks associated with their return to power.
The interim government must implement necessary reforms to prevent the recurrence of past mistakes and ensure a stable and democratic future for Bangladesh. The BNP's recent activities, while promising, should be approached with caution, keeping in mind their checkered past and the need for vigilant oversight and accountability in the nation's political landscape.
A Historical Perspective on BNP's Governance
The BNP, founded by General Ziaur Rahman in 1978, has been a major political force in Bangladesh. Despite its significant contributions to the country’s political landscape, the BNP has faced numerous controversies and allegations of corruption, particularly during its time in power. Pages 93-101 of David Lewis's book "Bangladesh: Politics, Economy and Civil Society" and pages 93-101 of Taj Hashmi's book "Fifty Years of Bangladesh, 1971-2021: Crises of Culture, Development, Governance, and Identity" provide detailed insights into these issues.
The BNP’s rise to power in the early 1990s marked a critical phase in Bangladesh’s political history. After the fall of the military ruler Hussain Muhammad Ershad, a caretaker government was established to oversee the 1991 elections, which the BNP won under Khaleda Zia’s leadership. This period promised democratic renewal, but the BNP’s governance soon became mired in controversies and corruption.
First Term of Khaleda Zia (1991-1996)
Khaleda Zia became the first female Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1991, following the restoration of the parliamentary system by the 12th Amendment. Her rise was considered a victory for democracy after years of military rule under Ershad. The initial period of her governance was marked by significant economic and educational reforms, which included expanding opportunities for women. Her government introduced free and compulsory primary education and free education for girls up to Grade 10.
One of the early actions taken by the BNP was the abolition of upazila councils, which had been established by Ershad’s regime to decentralize power.
This move was seen as an attempt by the BNP to consolidate power at the center and eliminate opposition-controlled local bodies. The decision was controversial as it was perceived as undermining local governance and democracy.
The BNP government initiated economic liberalization policies aimed at stimulating growth. These included removing foreign exchange restrictions, providing tax exemptions for exports, and encouraging foreign investment. While these policies led to some economic growth, they were also accompanied by widespread allegations of corruption. Critics argued that liberalization efforts primarily benefited those with close ties to the BNP, leading to an increase in wealth inequality and corruption.
The period was marked by significant political violence and instability. The opposition Awami League (AL), led by Sheikh Hasina, frequently accused the BNP of political repression and electoral fraud. Hartals (strikes) and street protests became common, disrupting daily life and the economy. The BNP’s reliance on security forces to suppress opposition further deepened political divisions and undermined democratic processes.
The political climate during her first term was highly unstable, with frequent hartals (strikes) and violent agitations led by the opposition Awami League (AL). Allegations of rigged by-elections, particularly the Magura by-election, intensified political tensions. The culmination of political unrest led to the resignation of her government in March 1996, following the introduction of a caretaker government system to oversee elections.
Second Term of Khaleda Zia (2001-2006)
The BNP returned to power in the 2001 elections, forming a coalition government with Islamist parties, including Jamaat-e-Islami (JI). The BNP secured 193 seats, forming a strong coalition government. However, the AL immediately boycotted Parliament, alleging electoral fraud and manipulation. This boycott set the stage for a highly contentious and polarized political environment.
The inclusion of Islamist parties in the ruling coalition emboldened militant religious groups, leading to increased attacks on minorities, particularly the Ahmadiyya Muslim community.
In January 2004, the government passed a law banning Ahmadiyya publications, a move criticized both domestically and internationally for violating religious freedom. The second term saw a significant rise in violence against minorities, particularly the Ahmadiyya community.
Operation Clean Heart and Rapid Action Battalion (RAB)
In response to rising crime rates, the government launched "Operation Clean Heart" in 2002, involving the army in anti-crime activities. This operation faced severe criticism for human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings.
Operation Clean Heart, initiated on October 16, 2002, aimed to quell violent crime across the country. It involved around 24,023 army men and 339 navy personnel, along with paramilitary BDR, police, and Ansar. The operation, which ended on January 9, 2003, led to the arrest of 11,245 people, including 2,482 listed criminals, and the recovery of 2,028 firearms and 29,754 rounds of ammunition.
However, it was marred by severe human rights violations, including 44 custodial deaths and numerous injuries following torture.
The BNP-Jamaat-led government passed the Joint Drive Indemnity Act, 2003, indemnifying all persons involved in the operation from any legal action related to the deaths, arrests, and human rights abuses during the drive. This act faced widespread criticism from human rights activists and legal experts who deemed it unconstitutional and contrary to fundamental rights. Eminent jurist Dr. Shahdeen Malik and rights activist Sultana Kamal were among those who called for its repeal, emphasizing that such indemnity measures prevent accountability and justice for the victims.
In 2004, the BNP government established the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) to combat crime and terrorism. While initially welcomed for its efficiency, RAB quickly gained notoriety for human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances. Human rights organizations both in Bangladesh and internationally condemned RAB’s actions, calling for accountability and reform.
Throughout its second term, the BNP government was plagued by allegations of corruption at the highest levels. Bangladesh consistently ranked at the bottom of Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index during this period.
Corruption scandals involved key government officials, including ministers and members of Khaleda Zia’s family. These scandals eroded public trust in the government and contributed to widespread disillusionment with the political system. Khaleda’s son, Tarique Rahman, was widely believed to be running a shadow government from Hawa Bhaban, which became notorious for corruption and extortion.
The BNP’s second term was marked by intense political violence. The party used state machinery to suppress opposition activities, leading to frequent clashes between BNP and AL supporters. The political rivalry between Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina, often termed as “Battling Begums,” further polarized the nation. The BNP government’s attempts to weaken the AL through legal and extralegal means only intensified the political conflict.
The Rise of Islamist Influence
In late 1998, a center-right four-party coalition formed, including two radical Islamist parties, Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) and Islami Oikya Jote (IOJ). The coalition secured a landslide victory, and within a week, a new cabinet included members from Jamaat-e-Islami. This victory was particularly ironic given Bangladesh’s secular-socialist foundation at its inception in 1971, which explicitly embargoed the use of religion in politics.
Jamaat-e-Islami openly called for an Islamic revolution and the establishment of an Islamic state in Bangladesh.
IOJ, even more radical, had leaders who had previously expressed solidarity with the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Even before the formal handover of power, activists from the BNP-JI coalition launched attacks on religious minorities, particularly Hindus.
The rise of Islamist militant groups was a significant development during this period. Groups such as the Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami Bangladesh (HUJIB) and Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) found a conducive environment under the four-party rule. These groups engaged in clandestine activities during the AL regime but became more active and violent post-2001. JMB allegedly received financial support from individual donors residing in Kuwait, UAE, Bahrain, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Libya. Certain reports claim that JMB received funding from international NGOs like Kuwait-based Society of the Revival of Islamic Heritage (RIHS) and Doulatul Kuwait, Saudi Arabia-based Al Haramaine Islamic Institute and the Rabita Al Alam Al Islami, Qatar Charitable Society, and UAE-based Al Fuzaira and Khairul Ansar Al Khairia.
In the summer of 2004, Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB), under the leadership of Siddiquur Rahman (alias Bangla Bhai), unleashed terror in the northwestern district of Rajshahi. Despite global media coverage, the government initially refused to acknowledge JMJB’s existence but eventually proscribed both JMB and JMJB. The assassination attempt on opposition leader Sheikh Hasina on 21 August 2004, marked a show of strength by these militant groups, resulting in 24 deaths and numerous injuries.
The political situation worsened in August 2005 when JMB and HUJIB launched an unprecedented show of force by exploding 450 homemade bombs across the country, followed by suicide attacks that killed at least 30 people and wounded 150 more.
International pressure led to the government's crackdown on these militant networks, resulting in arrests and death sentences for key leaders by March 2006.
The South Asian Terrorist Portal (SATP), The Columbia World Dictionary of Islamism, and Defenddemocracy.org state that Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh "appears" to be connected with putatively non-violent, legal Islamist group or groups in Bangladesh.
Defenddemocracy speculated that Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh is a "proxy" established by the legal Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh party to "push the center of gravity of the political debate toward radical Islamism" and make Jamaat-e-Islami appear more centrist.
According to SATP, "many members of the JMB and JMJB have invariably been found to be cadres of the Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS), student wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami, a partner in the ruling coalition" with the Bangladesh National Party "under Prime Minister Khaleda Zia" that came to power in 2001.
Political Crisis and Electoral Manipulation
As the BNP-led coalition’s term neared its end in 2006, the country faced a deepening political crisis centered on the caretaker government’s leadership, the composition of the Election Commission (EC), the voters' list, and the politicization of the civil administration. The opposition, led by AL, rejected the immediate past Chief Justice K.M. Hasan as head of the caretaker government due to his past affiliations with the BNP. They also demanded the removal of the Chief Election Commissioner M.A. Aziz for his partisan loyalties and the correction of a flawed voter list.
Despite the EC's claims of rectifying errors, a survey by the National Democratic Institute found significant discrepancies. Political parties continued to sway administrative appointments in their favor, with party loyalists filling key positions at both central and local levels, exacerbating the already tense political climate.
The ruling party’s disregard for the opposition's demands led to increased political violence. In October 2006, violent clashes between government forces and opposition activists brought Dhaka to a standstill, resulting in deaths and significant disruption to public life. The opposition, comprising a 14-party alliance, vowed to resist an interim government headed by Justice K.M. Hasan. Despite his eventual withdrawal, violence persisted, leading to a significant death toll.
President Iajuddin Ahmed’s controversial assumption of the head of the caretaker government and the appointment of a new advisory council further fueled the crisis. His actions, perceived as partisan, led to resignations within the advisory council and criticism from civil society and the diplomatic community.
Hectic diplomatic efforts by the US and UK envoys attempted to bring the opposition to the polling process. However, the disqualification of General Ershad by the EC led to the opposition withdrawing their nominations, leading to widespread violence ahead of the elections. Despite the unrest, the government, particularly the president, refused to defer the election date, citing constitutional limits.
Military-Backed Caretaker Government (2007-2008)
Following widespread allegations of corruption and political violence, a military-backed caretaker government took over in January 2007. This government launched an extensive anti-corruption drive, targeting key political figures from both the BNP and AL. Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina were both arrested on corruption charges. While the anti-corruption drive was initially popular, it also faced criticism for targeting political opponents selectively.
The caretaker government oversaw the December 2008 elections, which resulted in a landslide victory for the AL. The BNP’s legacy of corruption, governance failures, and political violence contributed to its electoral defeat. The caretaker government’s tenure highlighted the deep-rooted issues within Bangladesh’s political system, including the need for comprehensive reforms to address corruption and ensure democratic governance.
Current Rhetoric vs. Past Actions
In Khaleda Zia’s recent speech, she called for building a “knowledge-based, democratic Bangladesh” free from exploitation and corruption. However, these promises starkly contrast with the BNP’s historical record. While the party's current narrative focuses on unity and peace, their governance previously involved significant factionalism and political vendettas.
Tarique Rahman's Controversial Legacy
Tarique Rahman, a prominent BNP leader, has been a central figure in various legal and political controversies. He was convicted as the mastermind of the 21 August 2004 terrorist grenade attack on a public rally organized by the then-opposition party Awami League. This attack, using military-grade Arges grenades, targeted the top leadership of the Awami League, including Sheikh Hasina, resulting in 24 deaths and hundreds of injuries, many of whom were permanently crippled. Tarique Rahman was sentenced to life imprisonment by a Bangladesh court.
Following his mother Khaleda Zia's release in 2008, Tarique Rahman flew to London for medical treatment. During his exile, the Anti-Corruption Commission filed 12 cases against him and his business partner, Giasuddin Al Mamun. The BNP claims these cases are politically motivated. Despite various legal battles, including a money laundering case where Rahman was initially acquitted but later found guilty by the Bangladesh High Court, his political influence persists.
On 7 June 2007, the Anti-Corruption Commission of Bangladesh filed a money laundering case against Tarique Rahman and his friend and business partner, Giasuddin Al Mamun. This case involved allegations of laundering BDT 20.41 crore.
Initially, on 18 November 2013, a court acquitted Rahman of these charges, which led BNP officials to claim his innocence and dismiss the case as politically motivated. However, on 21 July 2016, the Bangladesh High Court overturned the lower court's verdict, finding Rahman guilty and sentencing him to seven years of imprisonment along with a fine of Tk 20 crore. This case was notable for being the first in the country’s history where an FBI agent testified and produced evidence against a defendant in Bangladeshi court, though this claim has not been confirmed by the FBI.
The Anti-Corruption Commission also accused Rahman and his mother, Khaleda Zia, of embezzling funds meant for the Zia Orphanage Trust. Despite petitions to quash the case, the Bangladesh Supreme Court dismissed these petitions in November 2017, allowing the trial to proceed. This case has been a significant point of contention, with BNP alleging that it is part of a conspiracy to prevent Rahman from participating in politics.
In addition to the aforementioned cases, Tarique Rahman has faced numerous other allegations of corruption. These include involvement in various money laundering schemes and misuse of power during his time as a prominent figure in the BNP government. While many of these cases are still under legal scrutiny, they paint a picture of a deeply entangled political and financial corruption network.
The Dark Influence of Hawa Bhaban
During his tenure, Tarique Rahman operated out of Hawa Bhaban, an office that became notorious for its role as an alternative center of power within the BNP-led administration from 2001 to 2006.
This office, which some BNP officials have claimed was merely the political secretariat of then-Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, became infamous for its capacity to abuse power and enjoy impunity. Allegations of corruption, money laundering, and the patronization of terrorist activities were rampant, although BNP officials have dismissed these accusations as political propaganda.
The influence of Hawa Bhaban under Tarique's control was evident in various aspects of the government and the private sector. Reports from senior BNP politicians, US embassy officials, and the Anti-Corruption Commission revealed that Hawa Bhaban was deeply involved in significant corruption and political manipulation.
Tarique Rahman, often referred to by US diplomats as the "Dark Prince," was notorious for his involvement in bribery and extortion. For instance, it was widely reported that he flagrantly demanded bribes in connection with government procurement actions and political appointments, making him a symbol of kleptocratic governance in Bangladesh.
In 2005, Bangladesh was named the world's most corrupt country by Transparency International for the fifth consecutive year. The World Bank also canceled funding for several development projects, citing government corruption as the reason. These actions further tarnished the BNP's reputation, as it became clear that corruption was deeply entrenched within the administration.
The extent of Tarique's influence and the power wielded by Hawa Bhaban were such that even high-ranking BNP members privately criticized him, though they were often too afraid to do so publicly. Tarique's growing strength within the party, particularly among younger leaders, created tensions between the old and new guard. His control over the party was cemented by his ability to manipulate political outcomes and forge alliances, such as the breakthrough with Jamaat-e-Islami before the 2001 parliamentary election.
Moreover, the involvement of Hawa Bhaban in illicit activities extended beyond financial corruption. It was alleged that the office facilitated terrorist activities, including the infamous August 21, 2004, grenade attack on an Awami League rally, which was allegedly planned with support from Hawa Bhaban. Furthermore, the BNP-led government's failure to address escalating violence and bombings in the country, including the rise of militant groups like Harkatul Jihad al Islami Bangladesh (Huji-B), raised serious concerns about the administration's patronization of terrorism.
Despite these grave accusations, recent statements by senior BNP leaders have attempted to downplay Tarique Rahman's involvement in corruption and terrorism, dismissing these allegations as politically motivated and fabricated by the media. However, the historical record, as documented by various international observers, rights groups, and US diplomatic cables, paints a starkly different picture of Hawa Bhaban's role in perpetuating a culture of corruption, violence, and impunity during the BNP's tenure. This legacy continues to cast a long shadow over Tarique Rahman and the BNP's return to the political forefront in Bangladesh.
The tenure of the BNP-Jamaat alliance saw escalating levels of violence and human rights abuses. The government faced severe criticism from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch for its poor human rights record. The authorities were accused of failing to address violence against Awami League supporters, minority communities, journalists, and human rights defenders. The political and security conditions deteriorated further, with frequent bombings and attacks by militant groups like JMB and JMJB.
Chittagong Arms Smuggling Case
The Chittagong arms smuggling case further exemplifies the depth of corruption and criminal activities associated with the BNP-Jamaat alliance. On April 2, 2004, police seized ten trucks of weapons and ammunition from the Chittagong Urea Fertiliser Ltd (CUFL) jetty. This cache, allegedly intended for the Indian separatist outfit United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), included submachine guns, AK-47 assault rifles, rocket launchers, hand grenades, and bullets.
Among the accused were Jamaat-e-Islami chief Motiur Rahman Nizami, former State Minister for Home Lutfozzaman Babar, and two senior National Security Intelligence (NSI) officials.
The investigation revealed that the smuggling operation had the backing of the BNP-Jamaat alliance government, and there were significant obstructions to the case's investigation during their tenure. The case involved 50 individuals charged under the Arms Act and 52 under the Special Powers Act. Despite obstructions and allegations of forced confessions, the trial proceeded, and on January 30, 2006, the Chittagong Metropolitan Sessions Judge and Special Tribunal-1 Judge SM Mojibur Rahman delivered the verdict.
The case highlighted the extent of the BNP-led government's involvement in criminal activities and their impact on national security and political stability.
Chhatra Dal: A Mirror Image of Chhatra League?
The Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD), the student wing of the BNP, has often been compared to the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) due to its involvement in campus violence and political unrest. Both organizations have histories marred by allegations of violence, intimidation, and criminal activities.
One of the most tragic incidents involving the JCD was the death of Sabekun Nahar Sony, a student of Bangladesh University of Engineering and Technology (BUET), during a clash between two factions of the JCD on June 8, 2002.
The clash, which stemmed from a dispute over control and influence, resulted in Sony being caught in the crossfire and sustaining a fatal bullet wound. Her death sparked widespread protests and highlighted the violent nature of student politics in Bangladesh.
Following her death, a Dhaka court sentenced several JCD leaders to death and life imprisonment. However, justice has remained elusive as key figures involved in the incident have evaded capture, and some sentences were later commuted. The continuous absence of the main accused, despite court verdicts, underscores the impunity often associated with political violence.
In another notable incident, members of the JCD attacked activists of the Chhatra Sangram Parishad (CSP) at Dhaka University on December 1, 2006. The CSP, an alliance of seven 14-party backed student bodies led by the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), was targeted while attempting to meet with university authorities to discuss campus politics. The attack left at least five CSP activists injured and involved the explosion of several bombs and gunshots allegedly fired by JCD members. This incident led to an indefinite strike at the university, highlighting the ongoing violence and lawlessness associated with student political organizations.
The case of Sony is not an isolated incident. The JCD has been implicated in numerous other violent incidents on university campuses across Bangladesh. These incidents often involve clashes with rival student groups, including the BCL, as well as internal factional disputes.
The pattern of violence and the lack of accountability for such actions mirror the conduct of the BCL, raising concerns about the culture of impunity that pervades student politics.
The Importance of Interim Reforms
Allowing the BNP to regain power without substantial reforms could potentially lead to a repetition of past mistakes. An interim government must prioritize several key areas to ensure a stable and democratic future for Bangladesh.
First, judicial reforms are essential to ensure impartiality and prevent political influence over the judiciary, which was a significant issue during BNP’s previous tenures. By establishing an independent judiciary, the interim government can help restore public trust in the legal system and ensure that justice is administered fairly and without bias.
Electoral reforms are also crucial to guarantee free and fair elections. This includes addressing allegations of rigging and voter intimidation that have plagued past elections. Implementing transparent and robust electoral processes will help ensure that the will of the people is accurately represented and that political transitions occur smoothly and democratically.
Anti-corruption measures must be a top priority.
Stringent anti-corruption laws and the creation of independent bodies to oversee political and bureaucratic conduct are necessary to combat the pervasive corruption that has undermined governance in the past. These measures will help promote integrity and accountability within the political system.
Human rights protections are equally important. Establishing safeguards against human rights abuses will ensure that security forces cannot act with impunity. This includes enforcing laws that protect citizens' rights and holding accountable those who violate these rights, thereby fostering a culture of respect for human dignity.
Finally, regulating student politics is crucial to address the issue of campus violence and ensure that student organizations operate within the bounds of law.
Promoting a culture of accountability and non-violence within educational institutions will help cultivate a generation of responsible and engaged citizens.
By focusing on these reforms, the interim government can help lay the foundation for a stable, democratic, and prosperous Bangladesh, preventing a recurrence of the issues that have plagued the nation in the past.
BNP’s return to political activity following Sheikh Hasina’s resignation marks a significant shift in Bangladesh’s political landscape. While their calls for unity and democracy resonate with the populace's desire for change, it is essential to approach their reentry with a critical eye. Given their past governance issues, including the violent activities of their student wing, it is imperative to enact necessary reforms through an interim government before allowing BNP to assume power. This approach will help safeguard the democratic process and ensure a stable and prosperous future for Bangladesh.
The interim government must be strategically structured to prevent the recurrence of past mistakes and ensure a stable transition. This involves not only addressing the immediate political vacuum but also implementing long-term reforms to rebuild the nation’s governance system. The disparity between long-standing elites and the working class must be addressed to prevent further socio-economic grievances.
The BNP's recent activities, while promising in their rhetoric of peace and democracy, must be scrutinized in the context of their history. The prospect of BNP or other existing parties returning with the same political dynamics risks perpetuating corruption and mass suffering. Breaking free from authoritarianism and ensuring a stable, democratic future for Bangladesh requires a cautious and well-planned approach, learning from past mistakes and prioritizing reforms that promote transparency, accountability, and inclusivity.
