Most of us familiar with the political situation in Bangladesh have long known just how deadly the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) truly is. Over the years, we've seen how they have been used as hired guns by the government to take care of opposition and dissidents.
It's a well-known fact that the BCL is often deployed to violently suppress any form of dissent or opposition, acting as the government's enforcers.
They have a notorious reputation for their brutal methods and are infamously known as the 'helmet bahini' due to their telltale use of helmets while attacking people, which helps them avoid identification.
The Bangladesh Chhatra League was originally founded as the student wing of the Awami League in 1948 and has played significant roles in various national movements, including the Liberation War of 1971. However, over the decades, BCL has become synonymous with violence, extortion, and criminal activities.
Their recent involvement in the violent suppression of the quota reform movement is a glaring example of how they continue to operate with impunity. The BCL's existence now poses a significant threat to the safety, democracy, and moral integrity of Bangladesh. Their actions are not just isolated incidents but part of a larger pattern of organized violence and intimidation that undermines the very fabric of our society.
Historical Context of BCL’s Violence
BCL was founded to mobilize students for political activism and played a crucial role in the movements leading up to the independence of Bangladesh. Its initial purpose was to support the political agenda of the Awami League (AL) and to foster a spirit of nationalism among students.
After the independence of Bangladesh, BCL continued to exert significant influence on the political and educational spheres. However, over the years, its activities began to take a darker turn. Allegations of violence, extortion, and other criminal activities started to surface, tarnishing the organization's reputation.
Reports indicate that between 2009 and 2014, BCL was responsible for the deaths of 33 people and serious injuries to 1,500 others.
From 2014 to 2018, the number of fatalities attributed to BCL rose to 129, with 31 people killed in 2018 alone.
The organization's actions have not only resulted in the loss of life but have also instilled a pervasive culture of fear and impunity.
One particularly heinous aspect of BCL's activities is the culture of torture they have cultivated within university dormitories. Reports indicate that BCL has turned dormitory guest rooms and TV rooms into torture cells, where students who do not participate in BCL's programs are subjected to brutal ragging and interrogation. This systemic abuse has resulted in numerous deaths and severe injuries. For example, at Chittagong University, BCL controls dormitory seats, allowing only those who join their ranks to stay in the residential halls, effectively using housing as a tool of coercion and control.
In a notable incident at Islamic University, a student named Fulpori Khatun was tortured for four and a half hours by BCL leaders. The administration's failure to protect the student, along with subsequent threats of death by BCL members if she reported the incident, highlights the organization's deeply ingrained culture of impunity and violence. Despite some attempts at reform and control by the Awami League, such as changing BCL leadership and issuing directives for better conduct, these efforts have largely been ineffective.
Furthermore, a group of leaders from Islamic University BCL openly condemned the harassment and extortion carried out by their peers, expressing a desire for healthy student politics. This internal dissent, however, does not mitigate the broader issues. The university administration’s lack of response to these violent acts, coupled with threats of death from BCL members, underscores the organization's pervasive culture of intimidation.
The tragic killing of Abrar Fahad at BUET in 2019, and subsequent incidents of violence, including the death of a KUET teacher and ongoing factional clashes at Chittagong University, further illustrate the unrelenting nature of BCL’s criminal activities.
The case of Abrar Fahad, who was murdered by BCL members for his social media posts, highlights the extreme measures BCL is willing to take to silence dissent.
BCL’s Influence in University Halls
BCL has effectively established a parallel administration within university halls. Despite the presence of hall administrations including principals and residential teachers, BCL dictates who stays where. This control extends to common rooms, where first-year students are forced to participate in BCL's political activities in exchange for accommodation.
The ‘guestroom culture’ is notorious for the mental and physical torture inflicted on first-year students who defy BCL's directives.
Instances of students being forced to stare at electric bulbs until they faint, or being physically assaulted for missing BCL programs, are common. This culture perpetuates a cycle of fear and compliance among new students.
Provosts and residential teachers are often appointed based on their political affiliations, particularly their alignment with the pro-Awami League Blue Panel. This politicization ensures that BCL maintains control over the halls, as these administrators turn a blind eye to BCL’s misconduct.
In recent times, BCL has become even more notorious for its control over university halls and the enforcement of its authority through violence and intimidation. For instance, a Prothom Alo report highlights how BCL decides who stays in the halls of Dhaka University, turning a blind eye to the hall administration's nominal authority. First-year students, who are often left without legitimate accommodations, are forced to stay in overcrowded common rooms controlled by BCL. These students are compelled to participate in BCL's political activities and face brutal 'guestroom' trials if they disobey.
The university administration's role in this has been largely passive, often appointing hall provosts and residential teachers based on political affiliations rather than merit. This has allowed BCL to maintain its stranglehold on the halls, with administrators reluctant or powerless to intervene. As a result, the university environment is marked by fear and subservience to BCL.
The 2024 Quota Reform Protests
The quota reform movement aimed to address the outdated quota system in government jobs, which disproportionately favored certain groups. The movement gained momentum among students and young professionals, who demanded a fair and merit-based system.
During the 2024 quota reform protests, BCL's response was characterized by extreme violence and brutality. Armed with sticks, rods, and even cricket stumps, BCL members attacked unarmed student protesters. The violence escalated to such an extent that at least 12 young lives were lost, and countless others were injured.
Specific Incidents
- Dhaka University Clash: BCL men, armed with sticks and rods, attacked students gathered to protest. Over 300 students were injured, and the violence spread to other campuses.
- DMCH Emergency Department Attack: BCL members stormed the emergency department of Dhaka Medical College Hospital, causing panic among critically ill patients and further injuring protesters.
- Nationwide Spread: The violence was not confined to Dhaka. Protests and clashes spread across the country, with significant incidents in Rangpur and Chattogram, resulting in more deaths and injuries.
Shahidul Alam’s detailed accounts from the 2024 protests reveal the extent of BCL's violence. During the protests, BCL activists, armed with cricket stumps and other weapons, launched coordinated attacks on protesting students. The police, instead of protecting the students, stood by or actively participated in the suppression. The violence was not limited to physical assaults; students were also subjected to intimidation and psychological torture. Injured students were assaulted even inside hospitals, with BCL activists entering medical facilities to continue their attacks.
The scale of the brutality is staggering. Dozens of people have been killed this week, and several thousand are believed to have been injured, the Reuters news agency reported citing data from hospitals across the country.
The Dhaka Medical College Hospital received 27 bodies on Friday alone, as the death toll climbed to 174, according to the print edition of Prothom Alo as of Monday morning. The authorities reported about 300 police officers injured, blaming protesters for damaging public property and accusing opposition parties of instigating the unrest.
In response to the escalating violence, soldiers set up checkpoints on Saturday, shortly after the government ordered a curfew to block the protests. These protests, further fueled by economic insecurity, sharply escalated this week. The government has imposed a near-total internet blackout since Thursday on the nation of 170 million amid its crackdown on the student protesters, with text message services and overseas telephone calls remaining disrupted.
Why Awami League Has Been Reluctant to Sanction BCL
Following the recent election, which the AL won amidst widespread allegations of rigging, the party remains cautious about cracking down on BCL. The party relies on BCL to counter opposition movements and maintain its dominance in educational institutions. This strategic importance of BCL in facing opposition protests makes it difficult for the AL to impose strict sanctions, as it risks destabilizing the party’s control.
BCL's long-standing historical connection with the AL creates a sense of loyalty within the party. Despite the current misdeeds of BCL, the AL often emphasizes the positive contributions of BCL, downplaying its criminal activities.
Within the AL, there are differing opinions on how to handle BCL. Some leaders believe that the negative incidents involving BCL are exaggerated, while others are concerned about the detrimental impact these activities have on the party's reputation. This internal conflict results in inconsistent actions and directives, weakening efforts to control BCL’s behavior.
The AL has periodically attempted to reform BCL by changing its leadership and issuing directives for better conduct. However, these efforts have largely been ineffective.
For instance, after the torture incident involving Fulpori Khatun, the AL directed immediate inquiries and organizational actions against the accused BCL members. Despite these directives, there is skepticism within the party about the effectiveness of these measures, given BCL’s entrenched culture of impunity.
Despite the passage of the elections, the AL continues to grant leniency to BCL leaders. The practice of declaring general amnesty for leaders previously expelled or dropped from the party on criminal charges persists. This approach extends to the youth wing and affiliated bodies, including BCL. Such leniency undermines efforts to establish accountability and control within BCL, allowing criminal activities to continue unabated.
Senior AL leaders have publicly stated that while BCL is responsible for many positive activities, it is the misdeeds that get highlighted. They emphasize that immediate organizational and legal actions are taken against proven allegations, but BCL’s criminal activities persist nonetheless.
In a January 2023 interview with Prothom Alo, BCL president Saddam Hossain addressed several issues regarding the organization’s activities. He acknowledged that negative incidents within BCL were often highlighted while positive contributions were overlooked. Hossain claimed that unwarranted incidents were usually caused by individuals detached from the mainstream, often those in favor of war criminals and anti-independence forces, who had infiltrated BCL. He emphasized the need for decentralization and an accountable leadership to reduce negative incidents.
Hossain also responded to accusations of BCL's involvement in crimes such as extortion, drug abuse, and violence, attributing these actions to a few rogue elements rather than the organization as a whole.
He asserted that BCL does not condone such behavior and that steps are being taken to address these issues.
Despite his claims, Saddam Hossain continues to oversee BCL as they injure and kill protesters in the 2024 quota reform protests. His leadership is as culpable as any of those directly involved in the violence. As the president of BCL, perhaps he is even more culpable than anyone else. The responsibility for the actions of the organization falls squarely on his shoulders.
The Need for Banning BCL
BCL’s history and recent actions demonstrate a pattern of continuous criminal activities, including violence, extortion, and intimidation. These actions have created a climate of fear and repression in educational institutions.
The culture of impunity enjoyed by BCL, coupled with the state’s endorsement, means that there is little to no accountability for their actions. This lack of accountability perpetuates their criminal behavior.
BCL’s actions are a direct threat to the democratic values and moral fabric of Bangladesh. Their violent suppression of dissenting voices undermines the principles of justice and equality.
The activities of BCL have a detrimental impact on student welfare and academic integrity. The coercion and violence faced by students in university halls create an environment of fear and hinder academic progress. The guestroom culture, where students are tortured for not participating in BCL activities, is a blatant violation of human rights.
There are voices within BCL that condemn the harassment and extortion carried out by their peers. A group of leaders from Islamic University BCL openly expressed their desire for healthy student politics.
However, these internal calls for change are insufficient to address the broader issues.
The university administration’s lack of response to these violent acts, coupled with threats of death from BCL members, emphasizes the organization's pervasive culture of intimidation.
The Way Forward
Given the extensive history of violence, the recent atrocities during the 2024 quota reform protests, and the Awami League's inability to control or reform BCL, banning the organization is imperative. The continuous criminal activities perpetrated by BCL members, coupled with their impunity and state endorsement, pose a significant threat to the safety, democratic values, and moral fabric of Bangladesh.
If the current government stays in power following the student protests- as one of the movement's demands is the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina- it must ban BCL.
The government must take decisive action to dismantle this organization and ensure that educational institutions remain places of learning, not violence.
By addressing the root causes of BCL's power and influence, such as the politicization of university administrations and lack of accountability, Bangladesh can begin to restore trust in its educational institutions. Student safety and rights should come before political interests. Only through decisive action can the country move towards a more just and democratic future.
